We shall not obtain Social Credit through politicians

Written by Louis Even on Saturday, 01 March 2003. Posted in Social Credit

But through humble apostles who bring about God's action

Two contradictory terms

Question — Could Social Credit be used as a platform for a political party?

The first obvious answer is: “This question does not make sense.” It doesn't for whoever really knows, on the one hand, what Social Credit is all about, and on the other hand, what a political-party platform is.

Would you ask: “Could the multiplication table be used as a platform for a political party?” or “Could the existence of the St. Lawrence River in Canada, the Mississippi River in the United States, the Alps in Europe, be used as a platform for a political party?”

Social Credit, as Douglas presented it, as the “Michael” Journal strives to present it better and better to its readers, cannot be linked to a political party, and even less be used as a label for a political party, without prostituting the meaning of words.

“Social Credit” and “party” are two contradictory terms. The first term implies an association that includes every member of society; the latter implies a division, a group that fights against other groups for power. The aim of a party is to come to power to run the country, whereas the aim of Social Credit is to distribute to each individual a power that will free him more and more from state interventions.

As for the platforms of political parties, after all that has been seen in less than a generation, more than blind faith is needed to attach importance to them. Only one point in their platforms is sincere: to try to win the election, in order to come or remain in office.

A truth like Social Credit cannot be subjected to the criterion of a majority of votes.

Nothing of course can prevent politicians — whether in office or not, and whatever their political allegiance — from being personally convinced of the excellence of Social Credit, of proclaiming it objectively, and not out of political self- interest. But to make of Social Credit a party's platform, and to promote the idea that bringing this party to power is enough to implement the Social Credit principles, is to lie and hinder the progress of the Social Credit Cause.

Social Credit is a living idea; it lives in the minds of the people who welcome it and become its apostles. To make of it a simple question of vote in favour of a man or a party is to reduce the meaning of the words “Social Credit” to a lifeless thing that implies no personal responsibility whatsoever.

Human powerlessness

Question — Supposing a government in office would wish the well-being of the people, could it adopt and implement Social Credit, or would a referendum be needed?

 This question implies that until now, no government has ever wished the well-being of the people, but that such a well-meaning government can come out of a future election. This is quite a severe judgment for the present and past governments, and one must be quite optimistic to suppose that, from the same tree, a completely different fruit could be picked. But let us admit that supposition: a perfect government is now in office. Can it adopt and implement a Social Credit economic system?

The answer is NO. With or without a referendum: NO. It is humanly impossible in front of the present power of the financial monster. (Please note the word “humanly”.) The financial monster, the super- power of the global controllers of money and credit, is more powerful than all the governments in the world; it dominates them all!

This subjection of governments to the lords of Finance is no secret. More than a century ago, Disraeli, who was several times Minister of Finance and even Prime Minister of mighty Great Britain, publicly complained about this state of affairs, but could not free himself from it. Other statesmen spoke alike. Besides, one just has to look at the situations that follow one another in our times: a ten-year money shortage (the 1929-1939 Depression), followed by six years of war with plenty of money, then cyclic credit squeezes, perpetual and ever-increasing public debts, concerted austerity measures, whereas nothing diminished in the production capacity of the countries in question.

These plain facts show that the controllers of money and credit “hold our lives in their hands” (Pope Pius XI), and that with banks at their service, they “direct the policy of governments, and hold in the hollow of their hands the destiny of the people” (Reginald McKenna, one-time Chancel- lor of the Exchequer, and for a long time Chairman of the Midland Bank, England's largest commercial bank). Governments, reduced to the state of lackeys of this super-power, are unable to free themselves from this bondage — even if they wanted to!

Does it mean that any hope is in vain, and that any effort to promote the Social Credit Cause is useless?

Oh, no, not at all! But it means that one must not rely on governments, on changes of parties in office to overcome a power that is superior to all the governments in the world: to do so would be a waste of energy; it would be like wanting to knock down a fortress with cotton balls.

The Lord's anointed

David and GoliathOh! One day it happened that a young man, a simple shepherd without military training, and with no other weapon but a staff, a sling, and five smooth stones in his shepherd's wallet, faced and slew, with a single stone, a nine-foot tall (three metres) giant, trained to arms from his youth, clothed with brass from top to toe, his coat of mail weighing 150 pounds (75 kilos) of brass, and the head of his iron spear weighing 18 pounds (9 kilos). But it is quite another power than the sling of David that gave him the victory over Goliath the giant. David — not a king yet, but already anointed by the Lord — had put all his confidence in God, knowing well that “with the strength of His arm, God drives the proud astray in the conceit of their hearts.”

Quite a lesson is being taught to us here. The Social Crediters of the “Michael” Journal are often reminded of this lesson, and they endeavour to take it into account. Only a celestial power can triumph over the most powerful terrestrial powers. Heaven wants us to do our part, and do it the best we can, just the same, but we must not rely on our action only. Young David did not say: “I will do nothing! What would be the use of facing a powerful warrior who laughs at my weakness?” No, he did his little part. He used the weapons he had — a staff, a sling, and five stones — doubtlessly held up to ridicule and called a fool — and God did the rest, the bigger part.

The Social Crediters of the “Michael” Journal do not stop, even despite their own weakness, in front of an enemy power that is humanly invincible, despite years that succeed each other without noticeable successes, despite mockery, criticisms, or betrayals. They know that every step made for a just cause, every testimony borne to a truth, every ray of hope communicated to demoralized people, every elevation of a soul, or every conversion brought about by their example and by the message they carry, is a benefit. Only the angels know all the good this message, these prayers and examples have done. If the apostles realize this, they can be delighted about it, but they must also give thanks to God for it. If they ignore all the good they have done, if they do not see the seed that they have sown grow, they continue just the same to sow, to plow, to work hard, in the inner joy of unselfishness, in the sole search for the glory of God and the well-being of their brethren.

The hour of conversion

As for Social Credit, the apostles spread it through the “Michael” Journal, which is the vehicle of Social Credit. They are convinced that an economic organism that adopted it would favour distributive justice for the welfare of everybody, every family. But, without diminishing their own efforts, they rely above all on God, just like David. The main intentions of their daily rosaries, their weekly holy hours of adoration in front of the Blessed Sacrament, always mention “The coming of a Christian and Social Credit society”. A Christian society first of all, because without that condition, it cannot be a Social Credit society. On that point, the present aspect of the world is certainly not favourable to the coming of an economic system so similar with the Christian spirit. The hour of conversion must precede the hour of Social Credit, as we conceive it.

However, if the financial dictatorship has lost nothing of its power of control yet, the Social Crediters nevertheless notice that their constant demand for the right of every man to the necessities of life has won many minds over, to such an extent that even within the context of the present financial system, the lawmakers must take it into account, and the controllers of Finance partly grant, to a certain social security, what they had granted on a large scale for the war. Besides, just as for the war, they do it without losing any of their supremacy. Today's social security, just like the war, is financed by debt and tax increases, but it is at least a relief for the poor. It is a little bit the underlying philosophy of Social Credit that is gaining ground, but without having Douglas's efficient and liberating technique at its service.

Douglas noticed soon enough the reaction of the banking monopoly to his proposals that were so logical, so brilliant, and so efficient. And as the conspiracy of silence could no longer stand, the monopoly strengthened its own positions, using the powerful means at its disposal to unite against the Social Credit idea the professional politicians, professors of political economy, financial advisers of governments, trade unions, certain members of the clergy, influential newspapers, and other makes of public opinion.

Douglas grasped the situation clearly: as early as 1924, he said that if nothing was changed in the financial dictatorship that “holds in its hands the destiny of the people,” a second world war would take place before 1940. He was right!

 In the years that followed this second world war, Douglas expected nothing from any state action to bring the necessary reform in the financial system. He rather predicted that the present system would eventually become unbearable, and would bring about its own collapse. He wrote that the action to be taken by the supporters of the Social Credit light was to spread it, so that when that situation would occur (the collapse of the present financial system), the minds of the people would be prepared, and it would be just as easy to inaugurate right away a financial system in keeping with modern civilization as to try to do it with partial reforms.

The Social Crediters of the “Michael” Journal have made up their minds on the orientation of their activities. They consider as a waste of time, of energy, of money, and as a source of frustration, any activity that tries to implement Social Credit with a change of government, whether with an old or a new party. They do not take a rest for that. They maintain, along with Douglas, that as regards Social Credit, the efficient work to do is to enlighten the population on the monopoly of financial credit, attributing to it the bad fruits of which it is the cause in the lives of people, of families, of institutions, and, in front of these bad fruits, to expose the doctrine of genuine Social Credit, which is so brilliant and in keeping with common sense. They also endeavour to develop within themselves, and to also radiate, a Social Credit spirit, which is clearly in keeping with the spirit of the Gospel: a spirit of service, and not of domination, not of an insatiable pursuit of money or material goods which is of the same nature — with a less powerful means — as the spirit of the lords of High Finance.

Whether the collapse of the present financial system, under the weight of its own enormities, or events that have been foretold many times by privileged souls — events one certainly cannot doubt of when one sees the present decadence of moral standards, apostasy, the paganization of affluent nations that used to be Christian — occur soon, in either case, the living or the survivors of those events won't be without a light to establish a social-economic system worthy of its name.

Whether this hour is at hand or distant, this is an unknown element, which therefore cannot be taken into account in our decision.

About the Author